Family News Letter Vol. 8

The Astor Place Riot of 1849 is a significant event in American history that highlights the intersection of class conflict, cultural tensions, and popular entertainment. Occurring on May 10, 1849, in New York City, the riot erupted outside the Astor Place Opera House and resulted in the death of at least 25 people, with over 120 injured. This incident not only underscores the intense class antagonism of the era but also reflects the cultural dynamics of a rapidly changing society.

At the center of the Astor Place Riot was a rivalry between two prominent actors: the American Edwin Forrest and the Englishman William Charles Macready. Forrest was a celebrated American actor known for his robust and emotive style, which resonated with the working-class audiences of the time. Macready, on the other hand, epitomized the refined and restrained acting style favored by the upper classes. Their rivalry represented more than just a competition between two actors; it symbolized the broader cultural and class struggles of mid-19th century America.

The immediate cause of the riot was Macready's performance of Macbeth at the Astor Place Opera House, a venue associated with New York’s elite. Forrest's supporters, largely from the working-class and immigrant communities, viewed Macready as a symbol of British cultural dominance and aristocratic pretension. On the night of May 10th, tensions boiled over as thousands of Forrest supporters gathered outside the opera house, protesting Macready’s performance. The crowd, driven by a mix of national pride and class resentment, clashed violently with the police and the militia, resulting in a deadly confrontation.

Underlying the violence were broader socio-economic factors. The mid-19th century was a period of significant change in the United States, characterized by rapid urbanization, increased immigration, and growing economic inequality. Many working-class Americans felt marginalized by the country’s elite, who they believed wielded undue influence over cultural and political institutions. The Astor Place Riot was, in part, an expression of this frustration, a rejection of perceived cultural elitism, and an assertion of working-class identity.

In addition to class tensions, the riot also reflected the nativist sentiment prevalent in the United States at the time. Many of Forrest's supporters were Irish immigrants who faced discrimination and hostility from native-born Americans. The riot, therefore, was also a manifestation of ethnic and nationalistic tensions, with Forrest’s supporters rallying against what they perceived as an imposition of British cultural values.The Astor Place Riot had lasting implications for American society. It marked one of the first instances of state militia being used to quell civil unrest in the United States, setting a precedent for future government responses to public disorder. Moreover, the riot underscored the growing divide between different social classes and ethnic communities, foreshadowing the more profound societal conflicts that would emerge in the coming decades.

In conclusion, the Astor Place Riot of 1849 was not merely a theatrical squabble but a violent eruption of underlying social and cultural tensions. It highlighted the growing divide between the upper and working classes, the ethnic tensions of an increasingly diverse society, and the cultural battles that would continue to shape America in the years to come. The riot serves as a poignant reminder of the complex interplay between culture, class, and power in shaping historical events.

Astor Place formerly Stuyvesant Street, is a truncated road that intersects Lafayette and Cooper Streets ending at Third Avenue once extended all the way to the Peter Stuyvesant estate by the East River. The road runs contrary to the grid in true east west orientation and was laid out in 1787 by Petrus Stuyvesant the great grandson of Peter Stuyvesant. Before 1860 Astor Street was known as Stuyvesant Street and Peter Stuyvesant's farm was adjacent to St Mark's Church of which he was a Patron. By the 1850s the city was relentlessly moving northward and property owners were coming under increasing pressure to sell to developers. The Stuvesant properties were sold, St Marks Cemetery on Second Avenue between Eleventh and Twelfth Streets was closed and the bodies disinterred and moved. The sole remaining property from that era is the Stuyvesant Fish House built in 1795 is located at 21 Stuyvesant Street.

The Astor Place Opera House built in 1849 was situated on a wedge shaped piece of land that is between Broadway on the west and Lafayette Street on the east. and Astor Place to the south. The Opera House was completed in 1847 and opened in November of that year under the management of Edward Fry. It was conceived as a performance center for opera which appealed to the wealthy or upper ten per cent. Verdi's works were featured in the first two season and were well received, but the receipts were not sufficient to sustain the theater. In 1849 it was therefore decided to stage Shakespearian performances and the renowned English actor William Macready was engaged to perform MacBeth. New York City at the time was experiencing an unprecidentd influx of immigrants, primarily poor Irish which had fled the repression in their homeland and most recently the deadly famine. Those factors as well as anti Irish sentiment by nativists would combine to make a deadly brew that would become an even costlier prelude of things to come.

Right: The William Perris New York City Ward Map of 1852 depicting the area bordered by University Place to the west, Forth Avenue to the east, Shortly after the Astor Place Riots in 1849, the Astor Opera House which was the scene of one of the deadliest of civil carnage to date, was closed. In 1854 the New York Mercantile Library moved into the former site and renamed it Clinton Hall. Map courtesy of NYPL digital collection

By all accounts the Langdon house which was directly across from the opera house received the greatest amount of damage. The militia was ordered to fire a volley over the heads of the crowd as warning without much effect. The crowd pressed upon the militia lines pummeling with stones and in some cases attempted to wrench away the muskets. Astor Place is approximately 49 feet wide between the property lines and because the crowd was packed so tightly it made it difficult to evacuate under fire resulting in large casualties.

The Springfield 1842 musket depicted below was originally a smoothbore .69 caliber weapon developed for the military later adopting a rifled bore for more accuracy and range. Wounds caused by this musket ball and the adoption of the mini ball were devastating during the Civil War and resulted in many amputations.

Around this edifice, we saw, a vast crowd was gathered. On the stage the English actor Macready was trying to play the part of Macbeth, in which he was interrupted by hisses and hootings, and encouraged by the cheers of a large audience, who had crowded the house to sustain him. On the outside a mob was gathering, trying to force an entrance into the house, and throwing volleys of stones at the barricaded windows. In the house the police were arresting those who made the disturbance—outside they were driven back by volleys of paving stones.

Phillip None: May 11— I walked up this morning to the field of battle, in Astor place. The Opera-House presents a shocking spectacle, and the adjacent buildings are smashed with bullet holes. Mrs. Langdon’s house looks as if had withstood a siege. Groups of people were standing around, some justifying the interference of the military, but a large proportion were savage as tigers with the smell of blood …

Sylvester L. Wiley: "We tried to get into Mrs Langdon's house, as we did not know how much he (one of the wounded men) was hurt. We knocked at the door, which was opened by a gentleman, who repulsed us as soon as he saw what we wanted. He closed the door as far as he could but the crowd pressed so he could not quite get it closed, he sang out for assistance, when three or four men came from the back door. One of whom, a policeman, I knew him by his star struck me over the head and knocked my hat off so that it fell in the hall. I called on the crowd to give way..."

Thomas J. Belvin a neighbor: "Wall Street broker George W. Gedney was trying to get home. The newlywed "was shot instantly dead, as he was standing inside the railing by the Langdon mansion. "

May 7th.-Rehearsed with much care. Looked at some papers (N.Y.) sent to me. Received note from Silliman, which I answered. Rested. Went to theatre, dressed .... would be a good house, for there was-an unusual sight-a great crowd outside. My call came; I had heard immense applause and three cheers for Mr. Clarke in Macduff. I smiled and said to myself, "They mistake him for me." I went on-the greatest applause, as it seemed, from the whole house. I bowed respectfully, repeatedly. It still kept on. I bowed as it were emphatically (to coin an expression for a bow), rather significantly that I was touched by such a demonstration; it continued. I thought, "This is becoming too much." It did not cease, and I began to distinguish howlings from the right corner of the parquette. Still, I thought, it is only like the Western shriek-a climax of their applause. At length I became sensible there was opposition, and that the prolongation of the applause was the struggle against it; I then waited for its subsidence, but no cessation; I at last walked forward to address them, intending to say-" I felt pain and shame, which the intelligent and respectable must feel for their country's reputation, and that I would instantly resign my engagement rather than encounter such disgraceful conduct." They would not let me speak. They hung out placards-" You have been proved a liar," etc.; flung a rotten egg close to me. I pointed it to the audience and smiled with contempt, persisting in my endeavour to be heard. I could not have been less than a quarter of an hour on the stage altogether, with perfect sang-froid and good-humour, reposing in the consciousness of my own truth. At last there was nothing for it, and I said " Go on," and the play, Macbeth, proceeded in dumb show, I hurrying the players on. Copper cents were thrown, some struck me, four or five eggs, a great many apples, nearly-if not quite-a peck of potatoes, lemons, pieces of wood, a bottle of asafoetida which splashed my own dress, smelling, of course, most horribly. The first act, at least in my scenes, with these accompaniments, passed in dumb show; I looking directly at these men as they committed these outrages, and no way moved by them. Behind the scenes some attempted to exhibit sympathy, which I received very loftily, observing, "My concern was for the disgrace such people inflicted on the character of the country." The second act closed exactly in the same way. I dressed for the third and went on; the tumult the same, the missiles growing thicker. At last a chair was thrown from the gallery on the stage, something heavy was thrown into the orchestra (a chair) which made the remaining musicians move out. Another chair was hurled by the same man, whom I saw deliberately throw it, then wrench up another, and throw it too-I bowed to the audience, and going up to Mr. Chippendale, observed that I thought "I had quite fulfilled my obligation to Messrs. Niblo and Hackett, and that I should now remain no longer." I accordingly went down and undressed; Colden was there and seemed to apprehend danger out of doors; I did not. However, I took my dirk, but thinking it unworthy to carry it, threw it down again. Colden (who made too much of it), Tallmadge, and Emmett walked home with me; there was no sign of any attempt in the back street, but there was a crowd at the front door, which Colden had not been able to penetrate, and which, the Chief of the Police informed me afterwards, made the strongest efforts to break into the house. Colden was with me and Ruggleston came and joined us. I was in the best spirits, and we talked over what was to be done. Several things proposed, rejected, and certain things decided on, but so hastily that when they were gone I perceived the course was yet to be fixed on. A Mr. Bennettstranger-came, as he said, from young Astor and other names of the first, he said, to say that this should be resisted, and to convey to me the expression of their regret, etc. I was not quite sure of my man. Gould came, when they were gone, in great distress, having heard all from Duyckirck. Our conversation overturned the decision with Ruggles and Colden. He gone, Mr. Monnitt, my landlord, and one of the heads of the police called, to show me a deposition taken from one of the rioters who had been captured, and who, because he cried very much, was set at liberty. I asked leave to copy the deposition and I am about to do it, and I suppose shall have a long night's writing. And this is my treatment! Being left alone, I begin to feel more seriously the indignities put on me, and entertain ideas of not going on the stage again. Pray God I may do what is right. I will try to do so. I thank His goodness that I am safe and unharmed. Wrote to dearest Catherine. May 10th.-I went, gaily, I may say, to the theatre, and on my way, looking down Astor Place, saw one of the Harlem cars on the railroad stop and discharge a full load of policemen; there seemed to be others at the door of the theatre. I observed to myself, "This is good precaution." I went to my dressing-room, and proceeded with the evening's business. The hairdresser was very late and my equanimity was disturbed. I was ruffled and nervous from fear of being late, but soon composed myself. The managers were delaying the beginning, and I was unwilling to be behind the exact hour. The play began; there was some applause to Mr. Clarke (I write of what I could hear in my room below). I was called, and at my cue went on with full assurance, confidence, and cheerfulness. My reception was very enthusiastic, but I soon discovered that there was opposition, though less numerously manned than on Monday. I went right on when I found that it would not instantly be quelled, looking at the wretched creatures in the parquette, who shook their fists violently at me, and called out to me in savage fury. I laughed at them, pointing them out with my truncheon to the police, who, I feared, were about to repeat the inertness of the previous evening. A black board with white letters was leaned against the side of the proscenium: "The friends of order will remain silent." This had some effect in making the rioters more conspicuous. My first, second, third scenes passed over rapidly and unheard; at the end of the fourth one of the officers gave a signal, the police rushed in at the two sides of the parquette, closed in upon the scoundrels occupying the centre seats and furiously vociferating and gesticulating, and seemed to lift them or bundle them in a body out of the centre of the house, amid the cheers of the audience. I was in the act of making my exit with Lady Macbeth, and stopped to witness this clever manoeuvre, which, like a coup de main, swept the place clear at once. As well as I can remember the bombardment outside now began. Stones were hurled against the windows in Eighth Street, smashing many; the work of destruction became then more systematic; the volleys of stones flew without intermission, battering and smashing all before them; the Gallery and Upper Gallery still kept up the din within, aided by the crashing of glass and boarding without. The second act passed, the noise and violence without increasing, the contest within becoming feebler. Mr. Povey, as I was going to my raised seat in the banquet scene, caine up to me and, in an undertone and much frightened, urged me to cut out some part of the play and bring it to a close. I turned round upon him very sharply, and said that "I had consented to do this thingto place myself here, and whatever the consequence I must go through with it-it must be done; that I could not cut out. The audience had paid for so much, and the law compelled me to give it; they would have cause for riot if all were not properly done." I was angry, and spoke very sharply to the above effect. The banquet scene was partially heard and applauded. I went down to change my dress, the battering at the building, doors, and windows growing, like the fiends at the Old Woman of Berkely's burial, louder and louder. Water was running down fast from the ceiling to the floor of my room and making a pool there. I inquired; the stones hurled in had broken some of the pipes.

The fourth act passed; louder and more fierce waxed the furious noises against the building and from without; for whenever a missile did effectual mischief in its discharge it was hailed with shouts outside; stones came in through the windows, and one struck the chandelier; the audience removed for protection behind the walls; the house was considerably thinned, gaps of unoccupied seats appearing in the audience part. The fifth act was heard, and in the very spirit of resistance I flung my whole soul into every word I uttered, acting my very best and exciting the audience to a sympathy even with the glowing words of fiction, whilst these dreadful deeds of real crime and outrage were roaring at intervals in our ears and rising to madness all round us. The death of Macbeth was loudly cheered, and on being lifted up and told that I was called, I went on, and, with action earnestly and most emphatically expressive of my sympathy with them and my feelings of gratefulness to them, I quitted the New York stage amid the acclamations of those before me. Going to my room I began without loss of time to undress, but with no feeling of fear or apprehension. When washed and half dressed, persons came into my room-consternation on the faces of some; fear, anxiety, and distress on those of others. "The mob were getting stronger; why were not the military sent for? " "They were here." "Where? Why did they not act?" "They were not here; they were drawn up in the Bowery." "Of what use were they there?" Other arrivals. "The military had come upon the ground." "Why did they not disperse the mob then? " These questions and answers, with many others, were passed to and fro among the persons round me whilst I was finishing my hasty toilet, I occasionally putting in a question or remark. Suddenly we heard a volley of musketry: "Hark! what's that? " I asked. "The soldiers have fired." "My God I " I exclaimed. Another volley, and another! The question among those surrounding me (there were, that I remember, Ruggles, Judge Kent, D. Colden, R. Emmett, a friend of his in some official station, Fry, Sefton, Chippendale, and I think the performer who played Malcolm, etc.) was, which way was I to go out? News came that several were killed; I was really insensible to the degree of danger in which I stood, and saw at once-there being no avoidance-there was nothing for it but to meet the worst with dignity, and so I stood prepared. They sent some one to reconnoitre, and urged the necessity of a change in my appearance. I was confident that people did not know my person, and repeated this belief. They overbore all objections, and took the drab surtout of the performer of Malcolm, he taking my black one; they insisted, too, that I must not wear my hat; I said, "Very well; lend me a cap." Mr. Sefton gave me his, which was cut all up the back to go upon my head. Thus equipped I went out, following Robert Emmett to the stage door; here we were stopped, not being allowed to pass. The "friend " was to follow us as a sort of aide, but we soon lost him. We crossed the stage, descended into the orchestra, got over into the parquette, and passing into the centre passage went along with the thin stream of the audience moving out. We went right on, down the flight of stairs and out of the door into Eighth Street. All was clear in front-kept so by two cordons or lines of police at either end of the building stretched right across. We passed the line near Broadway, and went on threading the excited crowd, twice or three times muttering in Emmett's ear, "You are walking too fast." We crossed Broadway, still through a scattered crowd, and walked on along Clinton Place till we passed the street leading down to the New York Hotel. I then said, "Are you going to your own house? " "Yes." We reached it, and having opened the door with a latch-key, closing it after us, he said, "You are safe here; no one will know anything about you; you shall have a bed in ten minutes or a quarter of an hour, and you may depend upon all in this house." I sat down in the drawing-room, talking of the facts about us, and wondering at myself and my condition, secretly preparing myself for the worst result, viz., falling into the hands of those sanguinary ruffians. A son of Emmett's was there, Robert; in about a quarter of an hour Colden came in. Several men had been killed, how many not certainly known yet. "You must leave the city at once; you must not stay here!" It was then a consultation between these excellent friends, I-putting in an occasional opinion objecting or suggesting upon the safest course to pursue. At length it was decided, and Robert was sent out to find Richard, another son, probably at the Racket Club, to put the plan in execution. He was met by Robert in the street, and both returned with additional reports; the crowd was still there, the excitement still active. Richard was sent to the livery stable to order a carriage -and good pair of horses to be at Emmett's door at four o'clock in the morning, "to take a doctor to some gentleman's house near New Rochelle." This was done and well done by him; Colden and Emmett went out to.reconnoitre, and they had, as I learned from Emmett, gone to the New York hotel, at the door of which was still a knot of watchers, and to Emmett's inquiries told him, if any threats were made, to allow a committee of the crowd to enter 1849 and search the house for me. Emmett returned with my own hat, one from the hotel, and I had got Colden's coat. An omnibus drove furiously down the street, followed by a shouting crowd. We asked Richard, when he came in, what it was; he said, " Merely an omnibus," but next morning he told me that he asked the men pursuing, " What was the matter? " and one answered, "Macready's in that omnibus; they've killed twenty of us, and by G- we'll kill him! " Well, all was settled; it was believed that twenty had perished. Robert went to bed to his wife. Emmett went up-stairs to lie down, which I declined to do, and with Richard went down into the comfortable office below before a good fire and, by the help of a cigar, to count the slow hours till four o'clock. We talked and he dozed, and I listened to the sounds of the night, and thought of home, and what would be the anguish of hearts there if I fell in this brutal outbreak; but I resolved to do what was right

and becoming. The clock struck four; we were on the move; Emmett came down; sent Richard to look after the carriage. All was still in the dawn of morning, but we waited some ten minutes-an age of suspense-the carriage arrived. I shook the hand of my preserver and friend-my heart responded to my parting prayer of " God bless him "-and stepping into the carriage, a covered phaeton, we turned up Fifth Avenue, and were on our way to safety. Thank God. During some of the time of waiting I had felt depressed and rather low, but I believe I showed no fear, and felt determined to do my duty, whatever it might be, acting or suffering. We met onlymarket carts, butchers' orgardeners', and labourers going to their early work; the morning was clear and fresh, and the air was cooling to my forehead, hot and aching with want of sleep. The scenery through which we passed, crossing the Manhattan, giving views of the various inlets of the sound, diversified with gentlemen's seats, at any other time would have excited an interest in me, now one's thought or series of thoughts, with wanderings to home and my beloved ones, gave me no time for passing objects. I thought as we passed Harlem Station, it would never have done to have ventured there. Some of the places- on the road were familiar to my recollection, having been known under happier circumstances.' May 15th.-Read the telegraphic verdict on the killed: "That the deceased persons came to their deaths by gun-shot wounds, the 1 In the following month of September ten of the Astor Place rioters were tried at the Court of General Sessions, New York, before Judge Daly and a jury, and after a trial of fifteen days were all convicted. The sentences varied from one month's imprisonment to imprisonment for one year and payment of a fine of $250-(note by Sir F. Poliock). guns being fired by the military, by order of the civil authorities of New York, and that the authorities were justified, under the existing circumstances, in ordering the military to fire upon the mob; and we further believe that if a larger number of policemen had been ordered out, the necessity of a resort to the use of the military might have been avoided."

Edwin Forrest was one of America's most famous thespians born in Philadelphia in 1806. His mother was of German decent an his father was Scottish. From the very beginning his interest in drama led to a lifetime of theatrical fame. He is perhaps known for his portrayals of Shakespearian figures which thrilled American audiences for decades. However he will forever be known for his rivalry with English born actor William Macready and the events leading up to the riots which took place on May 10, 1849 surrounding the Astor Place Opera House.

At first Forrest and Macready were on friendly terms, with Macready even helping to advance the career of Forrest, but a misunderstanding between them would lead to the vitriol that would last for the rest of their professional lives. Forrest was also involved with a nasty and well published divorce with his wife Catherine Norton Sinclair that resulted in her winning a large settlement. Forrest was ordered to pay Catherine $3000 a month for the rest of her life. All his properties were subject to leans by the court to insure that the settlement was upheld.

In 1855 Edwin Forrest sold his home at 436 West 22nd street in New York and left permanently for Philadelphia. During that time he removed to a new mansion that was built at 1346 North Broad Street which would become his permanent residence thereafter.

Navigating The 1950 Census

The purpose

On April 1, 2022 the Department of Commerce of the United States released the 1950 census in accordance with privacy laws dictated by the 72 year mandatory wait period (Public Law 95-416 95th Congress). The census is required by Article 1 Section 2 of the United States Constitution every ten years for the purpose of congressional apportionment. .

Article 1, Section 2 of the United States Constitution:

The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct.

In addition to determining congressional seats, census figures have been used to determine lifespan, immigration, occupation, personal wealth, and state and local appropriations.

Questions Asked in 1950

Beginning with the 1940 census a separate questionnaire was appended to the bottom of the census sheet.

Census questionnaires have changed over time. From 1850 to 1950, six basic questions asked in each census remained the same: name, age, gender, race, occupation, and place of birth. Relationship to head of household was asked from 1880 to 1950, and the citizenship status of each foreign-born person was asked from 1890 to 1950. The nature and number of additional questions has changed over time. This post will take a look at the major differences between the 1940 census and the Form P1, 1950 Census of Population and Housing, that was the standard fill-in-the-blank census form used in most of the continental United States.

_{Name of street, avenue, or road}
_{House and apartment number}
_{Serial number of dwelling unit}
_{Is this house on a farm or ranch?}
_{Is this house on a place of three or more acres?}
_{Agricultural Questionnaire Number}
_Name
_{Relationship to head of household}
_Race
_Sex
_{Age on last birthday}
_{Marital status: Married (Mar), Widowed (Wd), Divorced (D), or
Separated (Sep)}
_{State or country of birth}
_{Naturalization status if foreign born (Yes or NAT, No or Al, or AP
for born abroad of American parents)}

15. Was this person working (Wk), unable to work (U), keeping house (H), or doing something else (Ot) most of last week

The Difference Between the 1940 and 1950 Addendums

The questions on the standard 1940 and 1950 census forms were similar. The most significant differences between them are the addendums:

· In 1940, each census page had lines for 40 persons; in 1950, this was reduced to 30 lines in order to ask “sample” questions of more people and give the enumerator space to write notes and explanations if they were needed.

· In 1940, only two persons on each form answered sample questions. In 1950, six people on each form were asked sample questions, and the 6th person answered several additional sample questions.

· In 1940, everyone was asked whether they had lived in the same place, same county, or same state in 1935. In 1950, only persons on six “sample” lines were asked what county and state (or foreign country) they had lived in “a year ago” in 1949.

· In 1940, everyone was asked the highest grade of school they had attended and if they had attended school since March 1, 1940. In 1950, only persons on six “sample” lines were asked the highest grade they had attended, whether they had completed that grade, and whether they had attended school at any time since February 1, 1950.

· In 1940, everyone age 14 or over were asked if they had worked (or been assigned to work) on public emergency work for agencies such as the Work Projects Administration (WPA), Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and National Youth Administration (NYA) during the week of March 24-31, 1940. Those agencies were abolished during the 1940s so the question was not asked in 1950.

· In 1940, everyone age 14 or over was asked the dollar amount of wages or salary income earned during calendar year 1939, and whether they had received income of more than $50 from sources other than wages or salary (yes/no). In 1950, only persons on six “sample” lines were asked the dollar amount received in 1949 from wages or salary; working in his or her own business, profession, or farm; or from interest, dividends, veteran’s allowances, pensions, rents, or other non-wage or non-salary income. In addition, persons on six “sample” lines were asked how much money their relatives in the same household received from the same sources. If the respondent was not comfortable answering these income questions, the enumerator gave the person a form that could be directly mailed to the Bureau of the Census. The enumerator was to record “10,000+” for anyone who reported an amount more than $10,000. (Average family income in 1950 was $3,300.)

· In 1940, persons on two “sample” lines were asked if they had a Social Security Number (SSN) and whether deductions had been made from their wages or salary in 1939 for Old-Age Insurance or Railroad Retirement. This was not asked in 1950. (Railroad works were exempt)

Source https://historyhub.history.gov/

Questions for persons on sample lines (six per sheet)

An enumeration district, as used by the Bureau of the Census, was an area that could be covered by a single enumerator (census taker) in one census period. Enumeration districts varied in size from a city block in densely populated urban areas to an entire county in sparsely populated rural areas.

Enumeration Districts or ED’s as they are called, are a set of numbers separated by a hyphen and followed by up to 4 numbers.

Ancestry has a great selection of phone directories but it lacks a complete directory for Brooklyn NY. However there is another free source that is available to genealogists that are searching for family members in kings county NY.

In 1950 approximately 31 million households had a telephone installed making it a valuable tool for locating family members. If you are using Ancestry there are no directories for the years 1949 through 1952 and there are none for Brooklyn after 1933. While it is not unlikely you will find what you are looking for there is a great deal of movement in the postwar years. There are however other resources that you can use for your 1950 research.

I was looking for the descendants of Terence and Elizabeth Duffy since Luke Duffy and wife Patricia are my godparents. I knew they lived in Brooklyn but could not find them. The listing however is under E. Duffy (Luke’s sister Evelyn)

One very successful method for locating family members are obituary listings in newspapers, trade papers and church dedications such as mass cards. I found this 1976 obituary in the local paper for Patrick McCool and not only did I learn about his passing but his wife Johanna as well. His parents Peter and Catherine (Kelly) are remembered we also learned that he bought his farm in 1942 (the farm I remember).

The Ancestry ED locater is a good source for locating family members in the 1950 census.

But what if you don’t have a subscription? The Morse Weintraub website is a stellar site filled with additional information not only regarding the 1950 census but previous census years as well. More on that below. The enumeration for Pine plains is seen below.

Mr. McCool 1899-1976 my maternal grandfather's cousin, emigrated to New York on 29 June 1927. Patrick took in and cared for the younger Duffy boys when their father died in 1939 leaving them without parents. After his marriage to Johanna Role in 1943 he purchased a farm in Pine Plains Duchess County , NY where he resided until his death. I visited his farm in the summer of 1960 along with my mother and the Duffy family and witnessed the affection they held for him. Looking back on that time I wish that I appreciate the connection to our family but at that age I could not ask the questions I now have.

There are also many notations which on the 1950 census sheets (see above) which may be helpful in determining relationships.

This website is a goldmine of online information for genealogists including US Census, Immigration and Passenger lists and State Census images. Why are State Census Lists so important? Because in some cases they are a link from the 1880 and 1900 US Census (the 1890 US Census is not available).

Beginning with the US Census of 1910, census takers were instructed to use codes to further define gathered. In addition, in 1950 six additional lines of information were listed for lines 3, 8, 13, 18, 23, and 28. These lines and codes are explained below.

Column C: Occupation Code	Laborers (n.e.c.)
Industry Code:	Miscellaneous chemicals and allied products
Class Code:	Working for private employer (P)